The government of the United States, too, has undertaken measures to protect people from being subjected to transnational
repression on US soil. The Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Department of Justice have not only raised awareness about
the threat of transnational repression but also issued criminal indictments against perpetrators. In July 2022, the Department
of State circulated a Diplomatic Note to Chiefs of Missions in Washington, DC, to warn foreign diplomats against “targeting
individuals…for peacefully exercising their human rights and fundamental freedoms, through various forms of harassment,
intimidation, and coercion.” 29 At the close of 2022, US lawmakers also introduced legislation to codify and criminalize
transnational repression.30
Though these are positive steps in combatting transnational repression at home, the efforts of the United States are
diminished to some degree by high-level diplomatic engagement with the governments of Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Although
he once said that the Saudi government should be made into an international pariah for the assassination of exiled Saudi
journalist Jamal Khashoggi, President Joseph Biden visited Riyadh and met with the Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman
in July 2022; a US intelligence assessment had previously found Mohammad bin Salman to have personally approved the
security operation that led to the killing of Khashoggi.31 The Saudi government has not reformed its approach to exiled
critics in the years since Khashoggi’s assassination. Far
from abandoning transnational repression tactics, Saudi
authorities have attempted to collect information on
social media users in the US criticizing the regime and
have threatened activists.32 Inside the kingdom, authorities
continue to facilitate transnational repression, including by
aiding the government of China in its campaign to detain
and return Uyghurs.33
Raising the costs of foreign
interference at home while partnering
with perpetrators abroad undermines
both the credibility and effectiveness
of governments’ efforts to stop
transnational repression.
Like Saudi Arabia, Egypt is a long-standing security partner
of the United States.34 President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi visited
Washington, DC, and met with Secretary of State Antony
Blinken in December 2022. The Egyptian government also
targets critics abroad, including individuals who hold US
citizenship. In November, Egyptian authorities managed to
have Sherif Osman detained in Dubai through a request
made via the League of Arab States.35 Osman is a dual US-Egyptian national and had used his YouTube channel to call for
protests during the United Nations Climate Change Conference, COP27, which was hosted by Egypt. Osman was eventually
released and allowed to leave the United Arab Emirates, but he spent seven weeks in detention and there is evidence that his
family was prevented from leaving Egypt to meet him in the UAE as originally planned.
Democratic governments can accomplish a great deal through diplomacy and continued bilateral engagement, even with
authoritarian countries. However, foreign policy dealings should uphold democratic principles and human rights norms.
Transnational repression disregards both human rights and national borders. Effectively countering it requires a combination
of policies that punish incidents committed in host states, policies that protect the right to asylum, and policies that prioritize
respect for human rights in bilateral relationships.
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