Deterrents to Voice After Exit 37 1.3.2 Conflict Transmission Social movements are fundamentally shaped by whether individuals come together on the basis of shared grievances and interests (Curtis and Zurcher 1973; Rucht 2004), and diaspora members’ propensities to express voice are likewise shaped by their shared origins and identities. Collective identities forged by common emigration circumstances and characteristics, whether real or imagined, can facilitate mobilization by producing common enemies, shared reasons for collective action, and sentiments of solidarity between participants (Polletta and Jasper 2001).8 Nationalist identities based on diasporas’ country of origin, for example, can unite otherwise heterogeneous populations during periods of crisis or celebration and promote “long-distance nationalism” (Anderson 1998). Diaspora members’ willingness to work together is further influenced by the historical circumstances that create particular cohorts of emigrants (Eckstein 2009; Guarnizo et al. 2003; Masud-Piloto 1996; Pedraza-Bailey 1985), particularly when authoritarianism creates waves of politically and economically motivated migrations. A diaspora is not a naturally bounded or preconfigured group, however, and the same characteristics that bind persons from the same home-country together can just as easily split them apart (Brubaker 2004, 2015; Wimmer 2013). As Rogers Brubaker (2005, 2015) argues, shared identities, cultures, and practices do not automatically create the “we-ness” necessary to forge solidarities or sustain social movements. Not all members’ national origins may be equally salient or important to them at a given point in time, and divisions based on conflicts around race and ethnicity, religion, region, social class, and other factors can divide their members in significant ways (Anthias 1998: 570, 577–78; Guarnizo and Díaz 1999; Pupcenoks 2012, 2016). As a result, emigrants may express stronger loyalties to region, religion, ideology, political party, or ethnic group than they do to the nation. In fact, political opportunities provided by the host-country may facilitate the assertion of alternative loyalties that have been suppressed in the homeland, such as Kurdish Syrian (rather than Arab Syrian) and South Yemeni (as opposed to Yemeni) demands for territorial autonomy. Accordingly, the willingness of diaspora members to work together for a given home-country’s causes cannot be assumed even when they have shared origins, grievances, and opportunities. As scholars studying Colombian immigrants and refugees have shown, shared ties that embroil emigrants in histories of war and violent trauma undermine nationalistic solidarity and trust between conationals (Bermudez 2010; Guarnizo and Díaz 1999). Likewise, research on Somali communities demonstrates that racial, ethnic, and class antagonisms 8 Sociologist David A. Snow defines a collective identity as a shared attribution that distinguishes a collective from one or more sets of others (Snow 2013). https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009272148 Published online by Cambridge University Press