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Coming Out and Coming Together
At the same time that many southerners came to boycott revolution events
and protests, pro-unity activists also reported being threatened by the efforts of
elites and elders to dominate their coalitions. Activists in Liverpool, for
example, commented that this dynamic was pervasive from their very first
community meeting about the revolution. Former regime allies dominated the
discussion, which made the youth angry. “While they’ve got a voice in the
community and a valid voice,” Kamal of Liverpool explained, “they’re not
representative of all of the voices, and they were trying to be dictatorial in how
they did it.” As a result, the youth broke off to form their own independent
group. But as Awssan of London recounted, “Even when protests were initiated
successfully, the problem was people were put off because the actual youth
leadership were pushed aside.” He found it highly questionable that community
leaders who used to be friendly with the Yemeni ambassador were now
drowning out independent youth voices during demonstrations and in the
media. These dynamics created a significant “division within only five hundred
or three hundred or two hundred people who would come out.” Awssan’s
colleague Anter agreed, stating that it was difficult for the participants to keep
working together because they all had their “own agendas.”
Rabyaah, a New York–based organizer, likewise lamented that certain
figures within the pro-revolution movement tried to co-opt the protests.
We had some within our group who were more conservative, working for their own
agenda – essentially for the Islah party. I had a big argument with one of the organizers.
We wanted to keep it non-partisan. We’re not going to say Islah – we’re just an
[independent] group, no Islah, no socialists. We’re not going to associate ourselves with
any party. [But] they wanted to bring their Islah banners. We were at a rally and I said,
you had better bring that down right now. It doesn’t represent us, it’s not what we’re
here for. Here we are, already glorifying Bayt al-Ahmar [the Ahmar family] and this hizb
[party]! Have we not learned anything from this revolution?
Dr. Ibtisam al-Farah of Sheffield also noted that the main reason that solidarity
for the revolution started to break down was because certain figures were
taking advantage of the situation. She found pro-Saleh individuals who were
throwing their support behind the revolution in demonstrations to be highly
suspicious. That said, other respondents mentioned Dr. Ibtisam as an example
of a pro-regime infiltrator, signifying prevalent mistrust between supporters of
regime change.
The lack of trust between participants in the protest movement was also
apparent through respondents’ personal stories of being slandered as proregime spoilers. Speaking of her activist colleague Ibrahim, Safa in London
recalled, “You’d get idiots in Sheffield accusing Ibrahim, who are you to lead
the movement? Who are you, the London people? And you think, bloody hell,
who are you?” Mazen O. of Washington, DC, attributed this infighting to
elders and elites wanting to do things the “Yemeni” way, rather than the
https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009272148 Published online by Cambridge University Press
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