26
Introduction
the regimes’ capacities for repression, therefore, rendered high-risk activism as
low-risk (McAdam 1986) and signaled openings in activists’ opportunities for
dissent (McAdam 1999[1982]; Tarrow 2005).
The Arab Spring likewise disrupted the deterrent effects of conflict
transmission by rallying anti-regime diaspora members around a common
enemy. Anti-regime Libyans abroad experienced a relatively high degree of
cohesion as rebels at home launched a zero-sum war against Gaddafi. By
uniting these individuals around the slogan “the regime must go,” boundaries
within diaspora groups were reconfigured (Wimmer 2013) and organizers
gained the capacity to instigate mass protests.
At the same time, as Table 1.3 summarizes in the column on Quotidian
Disruptions, the Arab Spring’s effects on public mobilization and anti-regime
solidarity did not unfold at the same pace or endure equally across national
groups. While Libyans in the United States and Britain came out rapidly as
regime control at home and abroad collapsed, the Syrian revolution emerged
gradually. Accordingly, the pace at which activists went public abroad in both
host-countries was staggered because regime agents and loyalists continued to
threaten and sanction activists abroad during the revolution’s first year. The
continuous threats posed by transnational repression led some activists to
engage in what I call “guarded advocacy” by covering their faces during
protests, posting anonymously online or not at all, and refusing invitations to
speak to the media. It was only late in 2012 when most of the Syrians
I interviewed made the decision to “come out,” but many knew of others
who had not yet, and never would.
The quotidian disruption of conflict transmission also changed over time.
Syrian unity across their places of residence splintered as the revolution at
home became more internally divided, competitive, and morally compromised. Likewise, once southern Yemenis split from the revolution a few months
into the uprising at home, so too did most South Yemeni activists in the
diaspora follow suit. The resurgence of conflict transmission from the Arab
Spring itself, therefore, undermined the abilities of Syrian and Yemeni organizers to express unified claims to outsiders and led to personalized conflicts,
withdrawals, and a shift away from overtly politicized activism among
many participants.
After explaining the initial emergence of diaspora movements for the Arab
Spring, Chapter 5 then describes differences in activists’ collective interventions
for rebellion and relief. As summarized in the far-right column of Table 1.3, the
analysis finds that Libyan activists and their movements across the United
States and Britain performed what I call a full-spectrum role in the revolutions
by undertaking five major strategies for the revolution’s duration. First, they
broadcasted their allies’ claims to outside audiences through the Internet,
protests, and awareness-raising events in person and online. Second, they
represented the cause by joining the revolution’s cadre and media teams, and
by lobbying on its behalf. Third, they brokered between parties to the conflict,
https://doi.org/10.1017/9781009272148 Published online by Cambridge University Press
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