OUT OF SIGHT,
NOT OUT OF REACH
The Global Scale and Scope
of Transnational Repression
efforts. This escalation also coincides with a purge against
members of the royal family, government ministers, and
businessmen that bin Salman launched soon after assuming
the role of Crown Prince.209
Five of the 10 physical cases of Saudi transnational repression
documented by Freedom House were carried out against
former insiders. In addition to the Khashoggi assassination,
two princes were rendered from France and the aide to a
rival prince was rendered from Jordan. One of the princes
disappeared after voicing support for a coup in a social
media post; the other, Prince Sultan bin Turki II, was seeking
reconciliation with bin Salman after suing the royal family
for kidnapping him in the early 2000s. Bin Turki boarded a
plane provided by the royal family in France, thinking he was
heading to Cairo for a meeting; he was instead drugged and
flown to Riyadh, and has not been been heard from since.210
Five of the 10 physical cases of Saudi
transnational repression documented
by Freedom House were carried out
against former insiders.
As in other cases Freedom House has studied, the physical
campaign against former insiders is built on indirect and
nonphysical means of repression. In August 2020, former
Saudi intelligence officer Saad al-Jabri, who lives in Canada,
brought a lawsuit against bin Salman and others, alleging the
Saudi government deployed spyware against him, plotted
to kill him, and detained his family members in an effort to
coerce him into returning to Saudi Arabia. In his lawsuit,
al-Jabri alleges that a group of Saudi nationals stopped at
the Canadian border were carrying the equipment needed
to dismember a corpse.211 Al-Jabri’s allegations represent a
familiar pattern of escalatory targeting, involving multiple
means of repression against a single person.
There is ample evidence that Jamal Khashoggi’s murder
was the culmination of a longer process of escalating
attacks against multiple targets. The mobile phone of Omar
Abdulaziz, an activist and confidante of Khashoggi, was
infected with Pegasus spyware, and one of his brothers was
apparently coerced into asking Abdulaziz to cease his activism
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@FreedomHouse
and return to Saudi Arabia. Abdulaziz did not comply, and
two of his brothers were subsequently imprisoned along with
several friends.212 Khashoggi himself was subjected to serious
harassment on Twitter. His son, who lived in Saudi Arabia,
was issued a travel ban that would have been lifted upon
Khashoggi’s return to the country.213 Khashoggi asked his
fiancée to await him outside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul
when he visited to procure marriage documents, to ensure
that someone could alert the Turkish government if he did
not return. He was murdered while she waited outside.214
Further intertwining the escalatory targeting of Abdulaziz
and Khashoggi, details extracted from the former’s mobile
phone may have played a role in the plot against the latter.215
At the time, the two critics were collaborating to combat the
notorious mass of government-directed inauthentic accounts
on Twitter.216 The Saudi regime closely controls expression
within the country, and pays special attention to dissident
activity on Twitter. Saud al-Qahtani, a royal court adviser,
oversaw Saudi Arabia’s “electronic army” or “electronic
flies.”217 In an unprecedented tactic that displays the country’s
wealth, and willingness to go to extreme ends, Saudi Arabian
authorities even bribed two Saudi Twitter employees to assist
in the surveillance of critics using the platform.218
Despite clear evidence of high-level government involvement
in the targeting of Saudi nationals abroad, the international
response has been muted, effectively sending a message
of impunity to Saudi officials and others around the world.
Within weeks of Khashoggi’s murder, the CIA confirmed that
bin Salman ordered the assassination himself.219 Saudi Arabia’s
democratic partners failed to hold the Saudi government or
bin Salman to account, however. US president Donald Trump
famously strayed from the conclusions of the American
intelligence community, defending bin Salman.220 “I saved his
ass,” Trump told a reporter. “I was able to get Congress to
leave him alone. I was able to get them to stop.”221
The United States implemented Global Magnitsky sanctions
against 17 Saudi nationals for their role in killing Khashoggi,
but bin Salman was not on the list.222 In July 2020, the UK
implemented similar targeted sanctions against 20 Saudi
officials involved in the assassination, including al-Qahtani,
who intelligence agencies agree was central to orchestrating
the operation,223 but not bin Salman.
Saudi Arabian courts sentenced five people to death for their
role. The government dismissed–but did not try or convict–
al-Qahtani from his media advisory role.224 Meanwhile, Saudi
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