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Iranian-American author who has written about the Iranian
regime’s repression of women and the assassination of Iranian
and Kurdish dissidents in Germany, that she was the target
of Iranian operatives in the country.57 Even in settings with
weak rule-of-law traditions, security forces have been able to
stop assassination and kidnapping attempts. In 2021, Turkish
authorities arrested six people with ties to the Russian state
for preparing “armed actions targeting Chechen dissidents,”58
and separately foiled the attempted kidnapping of a former
Iranian military pilot.59
Publicly available resources about the threat of
transnational repression help to inform communities
at risk. In 2021 and 2022, the FBI published two unclassified
counterintelligence bulletins about the threat of transnational
repression. The first was specifically designed to inform
the country’s Uyghur population of the fact that Chinese
government officials “target US-based Uyghurs through
in-person and digital means to silence dissent, issue
instructions, collect information, and compel compliance.”60
The second bulletin highlighted how the governments of other
countries, including Iran, Saudi Arabia, and Rwanda, engage in
transnational repression in the United States.61
In Germany, a brochure designed for refugees notes the
presence of foreign operatives within the country who may
surveil or intimidate them and encourages people to report
suspicious activity to refugee accommodation centers,
local police, or the Federal Office for the Protection of the
Constitution. However, German authorities provide the
brochure—titled “How can I identify extremists and members
of foreign secret services within my environment?”—in the
context of efforts to combat extremism and radicalization
among newcomers to the country. In so doing, they frame
refugees as a potential source of security threats, rather than
as potential victims of authoritarian reprisals. This adversarial
relationship is counterproductive to the struggle against
transnational repression, which requires trust and cooperation
between the host government and targeted groups.
MIGRATION POLICY
Protection for refugees and asylum seekers
Transnational repression, by definition, affects those
who traverse national borders. Yet dissidents, activists,
and human rights defenders often face insurmountable
barriers to migration. Turkey, South Africa, and Ukraine
have become default destinations for political exiles because
they allow passport holders from dozens of different
countries to enter without visas, effectively providing
immediate relief for people fleeing repression. However, the
United States, EU member states, and many other countries
are difficult to access for people in search of short-term
safety. In April 2022, the United Kingdom announced a plan
to send asylum seekers who land on its shores to Rwanda.
After having their cases processed in Rwanda, those granted
refugee status would remain in that country.62 The plan
disregards Rwanda’s poor domestic record on human
rights and its status as one of the world’s most prodigious
perpetrators of transnational repression.63
Democracies all over the world
have shifted away from providing
permanent protection to those who
seek refuge.
In addition to making their territories more difficult to reach,
democracies all over the world have shifted away from
providing permanent protection to those who seek refuge.
In 2015, before a major increase in arrivals of asylum seekers
from Syria and elsewhere, Germany gave 4 percent of asylum
seekers subsidiary protection instead of refugee status. That
percentage jumped to more than 30 percent during the
subsequent migration crisis and has remained at a similar
level since then. Whereas permanent legal residency allows
people to feel secure in their host countries, temporary and
subsidiary protections introduce legal precarity. Moreover, a
lack of resources devoted to migration agencies has extended
the time it takes to resettle refugees and review asylum
claims made by people already in the country. All of these
problems have implications for transnational repression.
For example, people will be less likely to interact with law
enforcement agencies if they fear it could endanger their
tenuous immigration status, and those without permanent
residency are forced to maintain contact with the embassies
and consulates of the origin state.
Awareness within migration processes
Points of contact between refugees or asylum seekers and
host state officials present opportunities for origin states
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