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protection, a category that does not grant refugee or asylumseeker status but allows an individual to remain in the country
in recognition that they may face serious harm upon returning
to their home country. In 2015, four percent of individuals
who received protection were given subsidiary status. That
percentage jumped to 35 percent in 2016, peaked at 37 in 2017,
and has since remained elevated at approximately 30 percent.39
Asylum seekers from Syria and Eritrea, both populations
vulnerable to transnational repression, are given subsidiary
protection at high rates.
Subsidiary protection provides less security than refugee
status, leaving recipients more vulnerable to targeting by their
origin state. Its temporary nature requires more frequent
renewal than refugee status, creating an administrative burden
and long-term insecurity.40 Differences in documentation leave
recipients of subsidiary protections reliant on their homecountry embassies for passport renewal and other documents,
such as marriage licenses.41 Continued contact with embassies
is a risk factor for surveillance, intimidation, and other harms.
Subsidiary protection does not include the right to family
reunification, unlike refugee and asylum status, exposing
recipients to coercion by proxy.
Refugee reception centers
Refugee reception centers exemplify the tradeoff between
efficiency and protection for at-risk individuals The BAMF
divides asylum seekers among the 16 federal states, with
a percentage of asylum seekers assigned to each state.42
Asylum seekers are placed among the states on the basis of
their country of origin, with each refugee reception center
responsible for refugees from a specific country or countries.
For example, Thai asylum seekers are divided among two
centers in North Rhine-Westphalia and two in Lower Saxony.43
Asylum seekers live in the provided housing for up to six
months, or until their application is decided.44
The centers are an efficient means of providing goods and
services to people in the asylum process. However, that same
centralization inadvertently creates risks for people vulnerable
to transnational repression. First, publicly listing which refugee
welcome centers house populations from which country make
them potential targets of surveillance, intimidation, and attack.
For example, supporters of the Eritrean government visited
refugee housing to urge Eritreans to pay the diaspora tax—a
percentage of earnings the Eritrean government requires all
Eritreans abroad to pay, regardless of their status.45 A Saudi
woman reported intimidating visits from anonymous men she
believed were government loyalists.46
Second, living among others from the same origin state
creates opportunities for transnational repression to occur
within that group of asylum seekers.47 In one example, a Saudi
asylum seeker learned that investigators in Saudi Arabia were
questioning her friends about specific details of her life in
Germany. The details they knew about her whereabouts and
activities were so specific she worried that someone she
interacted with while living in the provided refugee housing was
reporting information to Saudi authorities.48
A 2017 guide on extremism and secret service activities
published by the BfV for refugee aid workers notes that
refugees who acted against the government in their home
state are potential targets of their origin state’s intelligence
operatives in Germany. It warns that foreign intelligence
officers may pose as refugees to surveil fellow refugees
and interfere with their efforts to gain asylum status. The
document also notes that surveillance can result in harm to
their family members who remain in the origin country.49
While the guide emphasizes the importance of identifying
these problems, it does not offer harm-mitigation solutions
beyond being alert to these issues throughout normal asylum
processes. It also frames recruitment of refugees to act on
behalf of the foreign state as one of the goals of espionage,
which is a separate issue from transnational repression and
frames targeted refugees as potential security threats, rather
than victims of ongoing state violence.
German authorities treat information
about individuals received from foreign
states, including through Interpol, with
well-warranted skepticism.
Promising oversight
In general, German authorities treat information about
individuals received from foreign states, including through
Interpol, with well-warranted skepticism. Authorities generally
do not rely on information supplied by origin countries when
reviewing asylum claims. Extradition requests, requests for legal
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